• BlackRose
    #17
    "In order to grasp the meaning of this liberal program we need to imagine
    a world order in which liberalism is supreme. Either all the states in it are
    liberal, or enough are so that when united they are able to repulse an attack
    of militarist aggressors. In this liberal world, or liberal part of the world, there is private property in the means of production. The working of the market is not hampered by government interference. There are no trade barriers; men
    can live and work where they want. Frontiers are drawn on the maps but they do not hinder the migrations of men and shipping of commodities.
    Natives do not enjoy rights that are denied to aliens. Governments and their
    servants restrict their activities to the protection of life, health, and property against fraudulent or violent aggression. They do not discriminate against foreigners. The courts are independent and effectively protect everybody
    against the encroachments of officialdom. Everyone is permitted to say, to
    write, and to print what he likes. Education is not subject to government
    interference. Governments are like night-watchmen whom the citizens have
    entrusted with the task of handling the police power. The men in office are
    regarded as mortal men, not as superhuman beings or as paternal authorities
    who have the right and duty to hold the people in tutelage. Governments do
    not have the power to dictate to the citizens what language they must use in
    their daily speech or in what language they must bring up and educate their
    children. Administrative organs and tribunals are bound to use each man’s
    language in dealing with him, provided this language is spoken in the district
    by a reasonable number of residents.

    In such a world it makes no difference where the frontiers of a country
    are drawn. Nobody has a special material interest in enlarging the territory of
    the state in which he lives; nobody suffers loss if a part of this area is
    separated from the state. It is also immaterial whether all parts of the state’s
    territory are in direct geographical connection, or whether they are separated
    by a piece of land belonging to another state. It is of no economic importance
    whether the country has a frontage on the ocean or not. In such a world the
    people of every village or district could decide by plebiscite to which state
    they wanted to belong. There would be no more wars because there would
    be no incentive for aggression. War would not pay. Armies and navies would
    be superfluous. Policemen would suffice for the fight against crime. In such
    a world the state is not a metaphysical entity but simply the producer of
    security and peace. It is the night-watchman, as Lassalle contemptuously
    dubbed it. But it fulfills this task in a satisfactory way. The citizen’s sleep is not disturbed, bombs do not destroy his home, and if somebody knocks at his
    door late at night it is certainly neither the Gestapo nor the O.G.P.U.
    The reality in which we have to live differs very much from this perfect
    world of ideal liberalism. But this is due only to the fact that men have
    rejected liberalism for etatism. They have burdened the state, which could be
    a more or less efficient night-watchman, with a multitude of other duties.
    Neither nature, nor the working of forces beyond human control, nor
    inevitable necessity has led to etatism, but the acts of men. Entangled by
    dialectic fallacies and fantastic illusions, blindly believing in erroneous
    doctrines, biased by envy and insatiable greed, men have derided capitalism
    and have substituted for it an order engendering conflicts for which no
    peaceful solution can be found."

    Ludwig von Mises - Omnipotent Government (1944)

    Nem lenne jobb egy ilyen világban élni? Nem lenne jobb a világ ha az állam csak azt tenné amire jogunk van felhatalmazni?